The information in this blog to date has mainly followed the conventional, widely accepted story of the reign of King Stephen. However, at this point I would like to pose a question: Can it be said with any great authority that the administration of the English realm entirely disintegrated during the years 1135-54? It can't be disputed that Stephen did make mistakes at times in his dealings with the clergy, barons, and important people such as King David of Scotland and indeed with Matilda, The Empress. The chronicle writers certainly indicate that Stephen's authority was severely eroded during the course of his reign. A commendable person with charm and many good qualities but perhaps not suitable for the harsh, ruthless reality of kingship. However, is there sufficient evidence which emphatically proves that the problems Stephen encountered led to a complete breakdown in administration? The absence of Pipe Rolls for the years 1131-54 is worth noting but cannot be taken as conclusive evidence that it did, so what do we know?
What else can we discern from those learned clerics, the chronicle writers on whom we rely so heavily for crucial information? Is there evidence of prejudice and the imposition of personal beliefs and opinion (or those of their benefactors) and second hand information to be found among their writing? Do their assessments of Stephen’s reign present as fair and balanced? For example ~
• from the Peterborough Chronicle: "When the traitors understood that he was a gentle man, and soft and good, and did not execute justice, they committed all manner of atrocity."
• from a chronicler writing under the patronage of Robert of Gloucester: "By his good nature and by the way he jested and enjoyed himself even in the company of his inferiors Stephen earned an affection that can hardly be described."
Diplomatic relations: Stephen enjoyed good relations not only with his brother Theobald of Blois and Chartres as could be expected but also in the early years of his reign with the French King Louis VI. How much was this due to their self interest? However, relations with France did eventually become more difficult during the reign of Louis VII due to the circumstances of the time. In Normandy Waleran, Count of Meulan, was given the task of overseeing matters and there was no immediate revolt against Stephen's kingship (nor in England for that matter). Indeed, Geoffrey of Anjou did not stamp his authority on the duchy until 1144. Ultimately however, it could be argued that perhaps Stephen's one and only visit to Normandy in 1137 was insufficient to keep the loyalty and confidence of the barons indefinitely especially those who held no great estates in Britain. Stephen's enduring popularity with the people of London in particular can partly be explained by the question of trade. It was in the interests of the traders of London to support the King, given his status as Count of Boulogne by right of his wife put Stephen in a commanding position to dominate/control cross-channel trade via the port of Wissant. The clergy and monastic life also continued to flourish in the years 1135-54 and contact, for good or ill, was maintained with the Popes installed in Rome during the course of Stephen's reign. It is also true however that Stephen didn't always get it right, for example, in his treatment of Roger of Salisbury in 1139.
Matters of the Realm: Stephen covered vast amounts of territory in his defence and administration of the English realm and even during times of siege and warfare received various missives about church and state matters to which he was able to effectively respond. In addition, when a situation required such action, he did not hesitate to press a siege or shirk from battle. He was able to contain the Empress, Robert of Gloucester, and their supporters primarily in the southwest of England, and after his release from imprisonment in November 1141 he was still acceptable enough to the barons to be able to resume his kingship unopposed. In addition, there were barons, such as William d'Aubigny and Simon de Senlis (Simon II of St Liz) for example, who remained loyal to Stephen throughout his reign.
The number of surviving Charters issued, approximately 720, is not insufficient for a reign of nineteen years duration, and the details of the events of 1135-54 indicate willingness on Stephen's part to negotiate and settle disputes. On the other hand a number of historians point out instances of Stephen making apparently arbitrary decisions which later gave him cause for regret. The issue of coins, although debased at one point, continued throughout Stephen's reign and the last issue continued to be in circulation until 1158. In summary, despite the civil war and the erosion of Stephen's authority, it would seem that the chancery continued to function, royal justice continued to be dispensed in the shires in many instances, and exchequer sessions continued to be held.
I'll leave the reader to ponder these matters and perhaps draw their own conclusions.
03 February 2011
13 January 2011
Stephen and the Welsh
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries violent feuds between the various Welsh princes often spilled into the Welsh Marches, an area along the border between England and Wales. Military campaigns into Welsh territory were also waged by the Marcher lords and the Anglo-Norman kings. Indeed, William the Conqueror exacted a tribute and fealty from the rebellious Rhys ap Tewdwr in 1081, William Rufus invaded twice in 1097, and Henry I successfully subdued the Welsh in 1114 and 1121.
What of King Stephen?
By and large it can be safely said that Stephen had his hands full dealing with the civil war and his unruly barons for most of his nineteen year reign. In 1146 Ranulf, Earl of Chester suggested a Welsh campaign to Stephen but his advisors were opposed to such a move and any plans that he may have been considering were called off at their insistence. That is not to say however that military matters in Wales were in a state of complete suspension during the years 1135-54.
Owain ap Gruffydd was one Welsh prince who seized the opportunity to take advantage of the disputes in England between King Stephen, David of Scotland, his barons, and the eventual civil war with the forces of the Empress Matilda. It is thought that Owain was born in approximately 1095 on Anglesey. He and his brothers Cadwallon and Cadwaladr successfully led the forces of Gwynedd against the Normans. Although the elder brother, Cadwallon, was killed in battle against the forces of Powys in 1132, Owain and Cadwaladr, in alliance with Gruffydd ap Rhys of Deheubarth, won a major victory over the Normans at Crug Mawr near Ceredigion in 1136. The castle of Mold was captured in 1146 and Rhuddlan in about 1150.
In a nutshell? Although Normans who held baronial lands in Wales certainly did fight staunchly to hang on to them, and Stephen did besiege several castles within the vicinity of the Marches during his battles against his enemies forces, it appears that Stephen himself played no active part in any campaigns to further English interests in Wales. It was basically left to his successor, Henry II, to (rightly or wrongly) reassert English control in his Welsh campaigns of 1157, 1163, and 1165.
The Story of Gwenllian ferch Gruffydd
Gwenllian ferch Gruffydd is best known for her patriotic revolt and death in a battle near Kidwelly Castle in 1136. She was the daughter of Gruffydd ap Cynan, Prince of Gwynedd and Angharad ferch Owain. The youngest of eight children, she was born in 1097 at Anglesey. In 1113 Gruffydd ap Rhys, the Prince of Deheubarth, visited her father and the result of this meeting had an unforeseen outcome - Gwenllian and Rhys eloped. However the story isn't as romantic as it first sounds. Deheubarth was struggling against the Norman invasion of south Wales, and although she joined her husband at his family seat Dinefwr, they were often absent leading retaliatory strikes against Norman held positions, which included harassing the population settlements of the invaders and taking hold of their wealth and possessions which was then handed back to the dispossessed Welsh.
In 1136 Hywel ap Maredudd, Lord of Brycheiniog, seized on the distractions in England, gathered his army, and defeated the Norman forces in the Battle of Llwchwr. Apparently inspired by Hywel's success, Gruffydd ap Rhys journeyed to Gwynedd to meet with Gwenllian's father in the hope of forging an alliance with Gruffudd ap Cynan against the Normans. It was during his absence that Maurice of London led Norman raids against Deheubarth which compelled Gwenllian to raise an army for its defence.
The battle was fought in a field near Kidwelly Castle in Gwent, and by its end Gwenllian's army had been routed. One of her sons, Morgan, was slain and another, Maelgwyn, captured and executed. Her own fate was to be captured and beheaded - a heroic but tragic end to the romance that began her marriage to Rhys. Gwenllian's death wasn’t to be the end of it however. Her brothers Owain and Cadwaladr invaded Ceredigion and took Llanfihangel, Aberystwyth, and Llanbadarn. Iowerth ab Owain of Gwent ambushed and killed Richard Fitz Gilbert de Clare, the Norman lord who controlled Ceredigion. By late September 1136 the combined forces of Gwynedd, Deheubarth, and Powys had gathered in Ceredigion, and in the Battle of Crug Mawr inflicted a resounding defeat on the Norman army.
In the field near Kidwelly, known as Maes Gwenllian (Field of Gwenllian), a spring which is said to have welled up on the spot where she was beheaded is named after her.
Her defence of Deheubarth is the only known record of a woman from the medieval period leading a Welsh army into battle.
Reference points for further reading:
The Aberffraw Resistance
The Norman Invasion of Wales
Welsh Marches
The Marcher Lords
History of Kidwelly Castle
What of King Stephen?
By and large it can be safely said that Stephen had his hands full dealing with the civil war and his unruly barons for most of his nineteen year reign. In 1146 Ranulf, Earl of Chester suggested a Welsh campaign to Stephen but his advisors were opposed to such a move and any plans that he may have been considering were called off at their insistence. That is not to say however that military matters in Wales were in a state of complete suspension during the years 1135-54.
Owain ap Gruffydd was one Welsh prince who seized the opportunity to take advantage of the disputes in England between King Stephen, David of Scotland, his barons, and the eventual civil war with the forces of the Empress Matilda. It is thought that Owain was born in approximately 1095 on Anglesey. He and his brothers Cadwallon and Cadwaladr successfully led the forces of Gwynedd against the Normans. Although the elder brother, Cadwallon, was killed in battle against the forces of Powys in 1132, Owain and Cadwaladr, in alliance with Gruffydd ap Rhys of Deheubarth, won a major victory over the Normans at Crug Mawr near Ceredigion in 1136. The castle of Mold was captured in 1146 and Rhuddlan in about 1150.
In a nutshell? Although Normans who held baronial lands in Wales certainly did fight staunchly to hang on to them, and Stephen did besiege several castles within the vicinity of the Marches during his battles against his enemies forces, it appears that Stephen himself played no active part in any campaigns to further English interests in Wales. It was basically left to his successor, Henry II, to (rightly or wrongly) reassert English control in his Welsh campaigns of 1157, 1163, and 1165.
The Story of Gwenllian ferch Gruffydd
Gwenllian ferch Gruffydd is best known for her patriotic revolt and death in a battle near Kidwelly Castle in 1136. She was the daughter of Gruffydd ap Cynan, Prince of Gwynedd and Angharad ferch Owain. The youngest of eight children, she was born in 1097 at Anglesey. In 1113 Gruffydd ap Rhys, the Prince of Deheubarth, visited her father and the result of this meeting had an unforeseen outcome - Gwenllian and Rhys eloped. However the story isn't as romantic as it first sounds. Deheubarth was struggling against the Norman invasion of south Wales, and although she joined her husband at his family seat Dinefwr, they were often absent leading retaliatory strikes against Norman held positions, which included harassing the population settlements of the invaders and taking hold of their wealth and possessions which was then handed back to the dispossessed Welsh.
In 1136 Hywel ap Maredudd, Lord of Brycheiniog, seized on the distractions in England, gathered his army, and defeated the Norman forces in the Battle of Llwchwr. Apparently inspired by Hywel's success, Gruffydd ap Rhys journeyed to Gwynedd to meet with Gwenllian's father in the hope of forging an alliance with Gruffudd ap Cynan against the Normans. It was during his absence that Maurice of London led Norman raids against Deheubarth which compelled Gwenllian to raise an army for its defence.
The battle was fought in a field near Kidwelly Castle in Gwent, and by its end Gwenllian's army had been routed. One of her sons, Morgan, was slain and another, Maelgwyn, captured and executed. Her own fate was to be captured and beheaded - a heroic but tragic end to the romance that began her marriage to Rhys. Gwenllian's death wasn’t to be the end of it however. Her brothers Owain and Cadwaladr invaded Ceredigion and took Llanfihangel, Aberystwyth, and Llanbadarn. Iowerth ab Owain of Gwent ambushed and killed Richard Fitz Gilbert de Clare, the Norman lord who controlled Ceredigion. By late September 1136 the combined forces of Gwynedd, Deheubarth, and Powys had gathered in Ceredigion, and in the Battle of Crug Mawr inflicted a resounding defeat on the Norman army.
In the field near Kidwelly, known as Maes Gwenllian (Field of Gwenllian), a spring which is said to have welled up on the spot where she was beheaded is named after her.
Her defence of Deheubarth is the only known record of a woman from the medieval period leading a Welsh army into battle.
Reference points for further reading:
The Aberffraw Resistance
The Norman Invasion of Wales
Welsh Marches
The Marcher Lords
History of Kidwelly Castle
05 November 2010
Extract: The Ecclesiastical History of England and Normandy
• Orderic Vitalis: Account of the Battle of Lincoln 1141
In the year of our Lord 1141, the fourth indiction, there were grievous troubles in England, and great changes occurred, to the serious loss of many persons. Then it was that Ranulf, earl of Chester, and his half-brother William de Roumare, revolted against King Stephen, and surprised the fortress which he had at Lincoln for the defence of the city. Cautiously choosing a time when the garrison of the tower were dispersed abroad and engaged in sports, they sent their wives before them to the castle, under pretence of their taking some amusement. While, however, the two countesses stayed there talking and joking with the wife of the knight whose duty it was to defend the tower, the earl of Chester came in, without his armour or even his mantle, apparently to fetch back his wife, attended by three soldiers, no one suspecting any fraud. Having thus gained an entrance, they quickly laid hold of the bars and such weapons as were at hand, and forcibly ejected the king's guard. They then let in Earl William and his men-at-arms, as it had been planned before, and in this way the two brothers got possession of the tower and the whole city.
Bishop Alexander and the citizens sent intelligence of this occurrence to the king, who became greatly enraged at it, and was much astonished that two of his dearest friends, on whom he had lavished honours and dignities, should have acted so basely. In consequence, after Christmas, he assembled an army, and marching directly to Lincoln, took by a night surprise about seventeen men-at-arms who lay in the town, the citizens giving him their help. The two earls had shut themselves up in the castle, with their wives and most intimate friends; and finding the place suddenly invested on all sides, became very anxious, not knowing what to do.
At last, Ranulf, who being the youngest was the most active and venturesome, crept out by night with a few horsemen, and made for the county of Chester, among his own vassals. He then announced his quarrel with the king to Robert, earl of Gloucester, his father-in-law, and others his friends and relations, and raising the Welsh, with the disinherited and many others, in arms against the king, gathered forces in every quarter to enable him to bring relief to the besieged. He also sought a special interview with Matilda, countess of Anjou, and pledging his fealty to her, earnestly entreated her aid, which was most graciously granted.
The two earls, having assembled a vast body of men under arms, marched towards the besieged place, and were prepared to give battle if any resistance was offered. But the king slighted the reports which he daily received of the enemy's advance, and could not be persuaded that they were capable of, or would venture on, such an enterprise. Meanwhile, he constructed engines and prepared for the assault of the besieged, who implored his mercy. At length, on Sexagesirria Sunday, while they were celebrating the feast of the Purification, the king in person having ascertained that the enemy was near, he called together his great lords and asked for their counsel under present circumstances. Some were of opinion that he should leave a large body of troops with the loyal citizens to defend the town, while he should march out with all honour and levy an army from every part of England; with which he should return, when opportunity offered, and reduce the castle by storm with royal severity. Others recommended him to show due reverence to the feast of the Purification of St. Mary, mother of God, and by an exchange of messages with a view to terms of peace defer the engagement; that through this delay neither party might be utterly prostrated, and human blood might not be shed to the sorrow of multitudes. However, the obstinate prince disdained to listen to these prudent counsels, and thought it dishonourable to defer the engagement for any considerations: he, therefore, gave orders for his troops to arm for battle. The armies met near the city, and being drawn up in order on both sides, battle was joined.
The king divided his army into three bodies, and the same order was observed on the other side. The front rank of the royal army was composed of Flemings and Bretons, under the command of William d'Ypres and Alain de Dinan. Opposed to them were a wild band of Welshmen, under their chiefs Meredith and Kaladrius. The king himself, with some of his men-at-arms, dismounted, and fought on foot with great resolution for his life and kingdom. In like manner, Ranulf, earl of Chester, with his cavalry, also dismounted, and encouraged the bold infantry of Chester to the work of slaughter. As for Robert, earl of Gloucester, who bore the most distinguished part in this expedition, he commanded that the men of Bath, and other disinherited gentlemen, should have the honour of striking the first blow for the recovery of their inheritances.
At first, the battle was fought on both sides with great desperation, and there was much effusion of human blood. The best knights and men-at-arms were in the king's army; but the enemy outnumbered them in infantry and the Welsh levies. It is certain that William d' Ypres with his Flemings, and Alain with his Bretons, were the first to give way; thereby emboldening the enemy, and spreading panic in the ranks of their confederates. This engagement was disgracefully distinguished by the most scandalous treachery; for some of the great lords, with a few of their retainers, accompanied the king, while they sent the great body of their vassals to secure the victory to his adversaries. Thus they deceived their lord, and may justly be considered as perjured men and traitors. Count Waleran and his brother William de Warrenne, with Gilbert de Clare, and other knights of high renown, both Norman and English, as soon as they saw the first rank routed, turned their backs and fled in alarm for their own safety. On the other hand, Baldwin de Clare, Richard Fitz-Urse, Engelran de Sai, and Ilbert de Lacy, stuck closely to the king during the battle, and fought stoutly by his side till the day was lost.
As for King Stephen, mindful of the brave deeds of his ancestors, he fought with great courage; and as long as three of his soldiers stood by him, he never ceased dealing heavy blows with his sword and a Norwegian battle-axe, with which some youth had supplied him. At last, worn out with fatigue and deserted by all, he surrendered to Earl Robert, his cousin; and being made prisoner, was by him soon afterwards presented to the Countess Matilda. Thus, by a turn of the wheel of fortune, King Stephen was hurled from his throne, and, alas! incarcerated in the important fortress of Bristol in anguish and misery. Baldwin de Clare and the other brave young soldiers, who dismounted with the king and fought gallantly, as I have just said, were made prisoners.
The night before, while the people of God were keeping the eve of the feast dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mother, and waited for matins, when a high mass was to be celebrated according to the rites of the church, a great storm of hail and rain fell in the western parts, that is, in France and Britain, and terrible claps of thunder were heard, accompanied by vivid flashes of lightning.
On the very day of the battle, while the king was hearing mass before the engagement, and his mind was agitated, if I mistake not, by anxious care and thought, the consecrated wax-taper broke in his hand, and fell thrice to the ground in the presence of many witnesses. This was remarked by some judicious persons to be a manifest token of evil to come; and the fall of the prince on the same day clearly explained the omen. The king's disaster filled with grief the clergy and monks and the common people; because he was condescending and courteous to those who were good and quiet, and, if his treacherous nobles had allowed it, he would have put an end to their nefarious enterprises, and been a generous protector and benevolent friend of the country.
The townsmen of Lincoln who had taken the king's side, as they were bound to do, he being also the lord of the place, finding that the enemy had obtained a complete victory, abandoned their wives and houses and all that they possessed, and fled to the neighbouring river, intending to save themselves by becoming exiles. Rushing in great crowds to the boats, in their haste they so overcrowded them with their numbers, losing all order and self-possession in the imminent fear of death, and those who came latest jumping in upon those who were first, that the boats were upset in a moment, and nearly all who were embarked (some say as many as five hundred of the principal citizens) perished. William, a famous soldier and nephew of Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, fell on the king's side. Of the others, as those report who were present, not more than a hundred were slain.
Count Ranulf and his victorious comrades entered the city, and pillaged every quarter of it like barbarians. As for the citizens who remained, they butchered like cattle all whom they found and could lay hands on, putting them to death in various ways without the slightest pity.
After this battle and the capture of the king, a great division arose in England. Henry, bishop of Winchester, immediately joined the party of the Angevins; and receiving the countess with respect in the royal city, entirely deserted his brother, the king, and all who were on his side. Earl Waleran, William de Warrenne, Simon, and several other lords adhered to the queen, and pledged themselves to fight resolutely for the king and his heirs. Thus the mischief spread on all sides, and England, which formerly overflowed with wealth, was now miserably desolated, and abandoned to rapine, fire, and slaughter.
In the year of our Lord 1141, the fourth indiction, there were grievous troubles in England, and great changes occurred, to the serious loss of many persons. Then it was that Ranulf, earl of Chester, and his half-brother William de Roumare, revolted against King Stephen, and surprised the fortress which he had at Lincoln for the defence of the city. Cautiously choosing a time when the garrison of the tower were dispersed abroad and engaged in sports, they sent their wives before them to the castle, under pretence of their taking some amusement. While, however, the two countesses stayed there talking and joking with the wife of the knight whose duty it was to defend the tower, the earl of Chester came in, without his armour or even his mantle, apparently to fetch back his wife, attended by three soldiers, no one suspecting any fraud. Having thus gained an entrance, they quickly laid hold of the bars and such weapons as were at hand, and forcibly ejected the king's guard. They then let in Earl William and his men-at-arms, as it had been planned before, and in this way the two brothers got possession of the tower and the whole city.
Bishop Alexander and the citizens sent intelligence of this occurrence to the king, who became greatly enraged at it, and was much astonished that two of his dearest friends, on whom he had lavished honours and dignities, should have acted so basely. In consequence, after Christmas, he assembled an army, and marching directly to Lincoln, took by a night surprise about seventeen men-at-arms who lay in the town, the citizens giving him their help. The two earls had shut themselves up in the castle, with their wives and most intimate friends; and finding the place suddenly invested on all sides, became very anxious, not knowing what to do.
At last, Ranulf, who being the youngest was the most active and venturesome, crept out by night with a few horsemen, and made for the county of Chester, among his own vassals. He then announced his quarrel with the king to Robert, earl of Gloucester, his father-in-law, and others his friends and relations, and raising the Welsh, with the disinherited and many others, in arms against the king, gathered forces in every quarter to enable him to bring relief to the besieged. He also sought a special interview with Matilda, countess of Anjou, and pledging his fealty to her, earnestly entreated her aid, which was most graciously granted.
The two earls, having assembled a vast body of men under arms, marched towards the besieged place, and were prepared to give battle if any resistance was offered. But the king slighted the reports which he daily received of the enemy's advance, and could not be persuaded that they were capable of, or would venture on, such an enterprise. Meanwhile, he constructed engines and prepared for the assault of the besieged, who implored his mercy. At length, on Sexagesirria Sunday, while they were celebrating the feast of the Purification, the king in person having ascertained that the enemy was near, he called together his great lords and asked for their counsel under present circumstances. Some were of opinion that he should leave a large body of troops with the loyal citizens to defend the town, while he should march out with all honour and levy an army from every part of England; with which he should return, when opportunity offered, and reduce the castle by storm with royal severity. Others recommended him to show due reverence to the feast of the Purification of St. Mary, mother of God, and by an exchange of messages with a view to terms of peace defer the engagement; that through this delay neither party might be utterly prostrated, and human blood might not be shed to the sorrow of multitudes. However, the obstinate prince disdained to listen to these prudent counsels, and thought it dishonourable to defer the engagement for any considerations: he, therefore, gave orders for his troops to arm for battle. The armies met near the city, and being drawn up in order on both sides, battle was joined.
The king divided his army into three bodies, and the same order was observed on the other side. The front rank of the royal army was composed of Flemings and Bretons, under the command of William d'Ypres and Alain de Dinan. Opposed to them were a wild band of Welshmen, under their chiefs Meredith and Kaladrius. The king himself, with some of his men-at-arms, dismounted, and fought on foot with great resolution for his life and kingdom. In like manner, Ranulf, earl of Chester, with his cavalry, also dismounted, and encouraged the bold infantry of Chester to the work of slaughter. As for Robert, earl of Gloucester, who bore the most distinguished part in this expedition, he commanded that the men of Bath, and other disinherited gentlemen, should have the honour of striking the first blow for the recovery of their inheritances.
At first, the battle was fought on both sides with great desperation, and there was much effusion of human blood. The best knights and men-at-arms were in the king's army; but the enemy outnumbered them in infantry and the Welsh levies. It is certain that William d' Ypres with his Flemings, and Alain with his Bretons, were the first to give way; thereby emboldening the enemy, and spreading panic in the ranks of their confederates. This engagement was disgracefully distinguished by the most scandalous treachery; for some of the great lords, with a few of their retainers, accompanied the king, while they sent the great body of their vassals to secure the victory to his adversaries. Thus they deceived their lord, and may justly be considered as perjured men and traitors. Count Waleran and his brother William de Warrenne, with Gilbert de Clare, and other knights of high renown, both Norman and English, as soon as they saw the first rank routed, turned their backs and fled in alarm for their own safety. On the other hand, Baldwin de Clare, Richard Fitz-Urse, Engelran de Sai, and Ilbert de Lacy, stuck closely to the king during the battle, and fought stoutly by his side till the day was lost.
As for King Stephen, mindful of the brave deeds of his ancestors, he fought with great courage; and as long as three of his soldiers stood by him, he never ceased dealing heavy blows with his sword and a Norwegian battle-axe, with which some youth had supplied him. At last, worn out with fatigue and deserted by all, he surrendered to Earl Robert, his cousin; and being made prisoner, was by him soon afterwards presented to the Countess Matilda. Thus, by a turn of the wheel of fortune, King Stephen was hurled from his throne, and, alas! incarcerated in the important fortress of Bristol in anguish and misery. Baldwin de Clare and the other brave young soldiers, who dismounted with the king and fought gallantly, as I have just said, were made prisoners.
The night before, while the people of God were keeping the eve of the feast dedicated to the honour of the Virgin Mother, and waited for matins, when a high mass was to be celebrated according to the rites of the church, a great storm of hail and rain fell in the western parts, that is, in France and Britain, and terrible claps of thunder were heard, accompanied by vivid flashes of lightning.
On the very day of the battle, while the king was hearing mass before the engagement, and his mind was agitated, if I mistake not, by anxious care and thought, the consecrated wax-taper broke in his hand, and fell thrice to the ground in the presence of many witnesses. This was remarked by some judicious persons to be a manifest token of evil to come; and the fall of the prince on the same day clearly explained the omen. The king's disaster filled with grief the clergy and monks and the common people; because he was condescending and courteous to those who were good and quiet, and, if his treacherous nobles had allowed it, he would have put an end to their nefarious enterprises, and been a generous protector and benevolent friend of the country.
The townsmen of Lincoln who had taken the king's side, as they were bound to do, he being also the lord of the place, finding that the enemy had obtained a complete victory, abandoned their wives and houses and all that they possessed, and fled to the neighbouring river, intending to save themselves by becoming exiles. Rushing in great crowds to the boats, in their haste they so overcrowded them with their numbers, losing all order and self-possession in the imminent fear of death, and those who came latest jumping in upon those who were first, that the boats were upset in a moment, and nearly all who were embarked (some say as many as five hundred of the principal citizens) perished. William, a famous soldier and nephew of Geoffrey, archbishop of Rouen, fell on the king's side. Of the others, as those report who were present, not more than a hundred were slain.
Count Ranulf and his victorious comrades entered the city, and pillaged every quarter of it like barbarians. As for the citizens who remained, they butchered like cattle all whom they found and could lay hands on, putting them to death in various ways without the slightest pity.
After this battle and the capture of the king, a great division arose in England. Henry, bishop of Winchester, immediately joined the party of the Angevins; and receiving the countess with respect in the royal city, entirely deserted his brother, the king, and all who were on his side. Earl Waleran, William de Warrenne, Simon, and several other lords adhered to the queen, and pledged themselves to fight resolutely for the king and his heirs. Thus the mischief spread on all sides, and England, which formerly overflowed with wealth, was now miserably desolated, and abandoned to rapine, fire, and slaughter.
~ Historia Ecclesiastica by Orderic Vitalis
01 November 2010
Extract: The Ecclesiastical History of England and Normandy
Ch. XLI. The Countess Matilda and Robert, Earl of Gloucester land at Arundel and proceed to Bristol
In the autumn, Matilda, countess of Anjou, crossed the sea to England, with her brother Robert of Caen, Guy de Sable, and several others; and being well received at Arundel, she obtained leave from the king to pass without interruption to the castles which belonged to her partisans. It may be remarked that this permission given by the king was a sign of great simplicity or carelessness, and prudent men regret that he was regardless of his own welfare and the kingdom's security. It was in his power at this time to have easily stifled a flame which threatened great mischief, if, with a policy becoming the wise, he had at once driven away the wolf from the entrance of the fold, and, for the safety of the flock, nipped the growth of malignancy in the bud, and, like his fathers, crushed the deadly efforts of those whose enterprise threatened the country with pillage, slaughter, and depopulation, by smiting them with the sword of justice.
In the autumn, Matilda, countess of Anjou, crossed the sea to England, with her brother Robert of Caen, Guy de Sable, and several others; and being well received at Arundel, she obtained leave from the king to pass without interruption to the castles which belonged to her partisans. It may be remarked that this permission given by the king was a sign of great simplicity or carelessness, and prudent men regret that he was regardless of his own welfare and the kingdom's security. It was in his power at this time to have easily stifled a flame which threatened great mischief, if, with a policy becoming the wise, he had at once driven away the wolf from the entrance of the fold, and, for the safety of the flock, nipped the growth of malignancy in the bud, and, like his fathers, crushed the deadly efforts of those whose enterprise threatened the country with pillage, slaughter, and depopulation, by smiting them with the sword of justice.
~ Historia Ecclesiastica by Orderic Vitalis
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